Richard Barbrook on Mon, 6 Sep 1999 21:35:18 +0200 (CEST)


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<nettime> cyber-communism <3>


The Market on the Commons

Compared with the rest of humanity, the inhabitants of the USA are already
very privileged. Although still denied adequate welfare provision, most
Americans not only consume more goods and services, but also enjoy greater
democratic liberties than the majority of the world's population. Over the
past two hundred years, the continual expansion and intensification of
commodity exchange has massively raised the productivity of collective
labour in the USA. Regulated by the federal government and local states,
rival entrepreneurs have competed to build an increasingly complex and
interdependent economic system. According to almost all American
politicians, executives and pundits, the next stage of the marketisation
of society is being pioneered at the cutting-edge of technology: the Net.
As in the past, the enclosure of new types of collective labour will
inevitably raise living standards and extend personal freedoms within the
USA. There is no alternative to the organising principle of the existing
relations of production: work-as-commodity. 

Ironically, the revenge of Saint-Simon is now being visited upon his
American false disciples. As in the former Soviet Union, constant
increases in the forces of production are threatening the dominant
relations of production. Far from being the apotheosis of commodity
exchange, the social and technical structures of computer-mediated
communications embody an alternative form of collective labour: the gift
economy. If individuals were forced to collaborate primarily through
e-commerce, their opportunities to participate within 'interactive
creativity' would be very limited. The full potential of the productive
forces of the Net can only be realised by adopting the most advanced
relations of production:  cyber-communism. 

At such historical moments, the proponents of reactionary modernism are
thrown into an existential crisis. Despite their deep ideological
differences, almost all right-wing intellectuals have the same goal: 
economic development without social progress. Sometimes for decades,
ruling elites can successfully combine these contradictory aims of
reactionary modernism. However, the continual growth of the forces of
production will eventually undermine the existing relations of production.
Sooner or later, the supporters of reactionary modernism are forced to
make a hard choice:  economic growth or social stasis. For instance, the
followers of Stalinist communism were confronted by this dilemma at the
end of the 1980s. Wanting to catch up with their Western neighbours, most
Eastern European politicians, executives and intellectuals accepted the
demise of the totalitarian state which provided their livelihoods. In
contrast, the Serbian ruling elite decided to choose another option:
destroying the forces of production. Fearful of losing their wealth and
power, they launched wars and 'ethnic cleansings' to block any further
social and economic progress. Instead of moving towards the utopian
future, their totalitarian state headed in another direction: 'the flight
from modernity'. (Perovic 1999) 

Within the USA, there are also powerful groups championing reactionary
anti-modernism: religious fundamentalists, white supremacists and the gun
lobby. As in Serbia, some influential people are willing to sacrifice
economic growth to maintain the existing social order. However, most of
those with power and wealth would like to avoid to making this choice. 
Instead, they want to update reactionary modernism for the age of the Net. 
Within right-wing American politics, hi-tech neo-liberalism has long been
the optimistic alternative to traditional conservatism. Far from fearing
the future, its prophets confidently predict that economic progress will
eventually liberate humanity. Unable to use the 'L-word' for peculiar
historical reasons, American neo-liberals even describe themselves as
'libertarians': a moniker taken from revolutionary left-wing anarchists. 

This optimistic form of conservatism is easily adapted for right-wing
analyses of the Net. For instance, the proponents of the Californian
ideology still believe that constant technological change can be
reconciled with the preservation of social hierarchy. (Barbrook and
Cameron 1996) Like their conservative forebears, these gurus often claim
that their contradictory aims will be realised by mystical means: the Gaia
mind, post-humans and memetics. More importantly, they also advocate a
practical method for perpetuating reactionary modernism: the hybridisation
of the commodity and the gift. 

Like pioneers in the Wild West, cyber-entrepreneurs are seizing all
opportunities to enclose the newly-opened electronic frontier. At the
cutting-edge of convergence, the profits of commercial companies now
depend upon the rapid expansion of the hi-tech gift economy. (Kelly 1997)
The hardware and software for accessing the Net can be sold as commodities
by large companies: IBM, Sun, Microsoft. The circulation of free
information among users can be enclosed within commercial sites: AOL,
Yahoo!, GeoCities. Instead of resisting all social changes, the digerati
must embrace some social advances to reap the material benefits of
technological progress. The lucky few have discovered a new way of
achieving the American dream: the enclosure of cyber-communist labour into
digital capitalist property. (Leonard 1999) Most famously, this bizarre
union of opposites underpins the frenzied speculation in Net stocks. Each
moment of 'interactive creativity' is a potential source of profits. If
the correct hybrid of gift and commodity could be found, collective labour
would immediately transmute into individual wealth. Excited by the riches
of some cyber-entrepreneurs, many Americans are now speculating on the
same assumption about the Net: '...communism is... a generalisation and
consummation of... private property.' (Marx 1961: 99) 

For nearly thirty years, the prophets of hi-tech neo-liberalism have
identified economic growth with social stasis. In many sectors, they have
advocated old-fashioned methods for raising profits: extending hours,
reducing wages, speeding-up production, cutting welfare and increasing
pollution. Yet, within the Net, these gurus champion the synthesis of both
technological innovation and social progress. For the commodification of
cyberspace is impossible without some accommodation with the gift economy. 
Even the increasing importance of e-commerce is facilitated by the
non-commercial structure of the Net. The 'cost of entry' into the digital
marketplace is so low due to the absence of proprietary barriers. Small
companies now have access to computer-mediated-communications once only
available to government agencies, financial institutions and multinational
corporations. Cutting-out the middlemen, many providers of goods and
services can increase their profits by dealing directly with suppliers and
customers over the Net. Excited by these developments, the proponents of
the Californian ideology believe that the freest of all free markets is
now being held on the commons of cyberspace. (Kelly 1994; Hudson 1996;
Dyson 1997) 


The Purity of the Gift

Opposed to this invasion by commercial interests, some left-wing activists
are reviving a purist vision of the gift. The enclosure of the Net will be
prevented by refusing any compromise with the commodity. (Critical Art
Ensemble 1996) This revolutionary position takes its inspiration from
1960s hippie radicalism. Over thirty years ago, many young people rebelled
against the socio-economic systems of both the USA and the Soviet Union. 
The material benefits of modernity no longer compensated for the political
authoritarianism and cultural conformity imposed by industrialism. 
Disillusioned with the hi-tech future, these hippies sought inspiration
from the tribal past. While many were simply lifestyle tourists, others
were looking for a revolutionary alternative to modernity. Crucially, some
left-wing intellectuals believed that this utopia could be found in the
gift economy of Polynesian tribes: the potlatch. (Mauss 1990) 

For radical hippies, this gift economy was the complete antithesis of
capitalism. Instead of accumulating surpluses, individuals in these
primitive societies gained prestige by giving away their wealth at public
celebrations. If market competition required alienating work to produce
ever more goods and services, the potlatch involved the pleasurable
destruction of excess resources. While the modern commodity imposed
hierarchy and utilitarianism, the primitive gift encouraged equality and
hedonism. Rejecting work-as-commodity, left-wing hippies proclaimed a new
organising principle for their utopian society: waste-as-gift. 
(Situationist International 1981; Baudrillard 1975; Negri 1979) 

Many years later, this revolutionary anti-modernism still influences
left-wing analyses of computer-mediated communications. Although emerging
at the cutting-edge of technology, the gift economy of the Net can easily
be confused with the potlatch of primitive societies. These tribal
attitudes are also be found within dance music, free parties, protest
movements and other forms of 'DIY culture'. (Brass, Koziell and Searle
1997; McKay 1998) Imitating their hippie elders, left-wing Net activists
emphasise the autonomy of these gift relationships from the corruption of
commodity exchange. Rejecting any hybridisation, they champion the
destruction of private property through the piracy of copyright material: 
waste-as-gift. Instead of being bought and sold, information will become
freely available to everyone participating within the on-line potlatch. 

Unfortunately, this revival of revolutionary anti-modernism also has
reactionary implications. As in earlier times, left-wing intellectuals are
tempted to see themselves as a vanguard leading the unenlightened masses. 
Drawn from the intermediate layer, they champion the 'refusal of work' to
symbolise their superiority over the rest of the working class. Although
deprived of the Soviet Union, some members of the revolutionary minority
will still apologise for foreign dictatorships which resist American
hegemony. Despite the advent of new information technologies, old
political habits are difficult to discard. The revolutionary rhetoric of
hippie communism is haunted by the reactionary practice of Stalinist
communism.  (Barbrook 1998) 


The American Road to Communism

Within the USA, this left-wing vision of the pure gift remains
marginalised. Ever since independence, a fervent belief in private
enterprise has defined American 'exceptionalism'. During the Cold War, no
patriot could support the revolutionary ideology of the national enemy. 
Even today, many people still virulently oppose the public provision of
welfare services considered indispensable in other developed countries. 
(Lipset 1996) Yet, these same right-wing Americans are happily
participating in the construction of cyber-communism. Quite spontaneously,
they adopt the working methods which are most beneficial to their own
interests. Sometimes, they want to engage in e-commerce. At other times,
they prefer to collaborate within the hi-tech gift economy. Like everyone
else, conservative Americans choose cyber-communism for pragmatic reasons. 

Despite their addiction to free market nostrums, Americans have long
preferred practical solutions over ideological correctness. Sceptical
about the theoretical obsessions of Europeans, they have always been proud
of their 'Yankee pragmatism'. (de Tocqueville 1975: 3-20) Updating this
tradition for the Net, most Americans simply ignore the widening
discrepancy between their political beliefs and their everyday activities. 
Although forced to talk like neo-liberals, they often choose to act like
communists within cyberspace. For the literal application of the
Californian ideology would immediately remove many of the benefits of the
Net. Not surprisingly, few Americans will openly admit to their pleasure
in sinning against the national myth. While the reformist demand for a
public health system remains obviously left-wing, the subversive
implications of circulating information as gifts are literally
unthinkable. Without any self-doubt, Eric Raymond can be simultaneously a
passionate advocate of the decommodisation of software and '...a
self-described neo-pagan [right-wing] libertarian who enjoys shooting
semi-automatic weapons...' (Leonard: 1998a:  2). 

Among Americans, cyber-communism is the love that dares not speak its
name.  No one talks about what everyone is doing. Above all, the
historical significance of their collective behaviour on the Net can never
be discussed. Within everyday life, people have always given gifts to each
other. Many social activities are already organised by voluntary labour
and with donated resources. The DIY culture is the celebration of
doing-things-for-yourself in all aspects of life from politics to music. 
(Hyde 1999; Brass, Koziell and Searle 1997) Now, with the advent of the
Net, this gift economy is challenging market competition at the
cutting-edge of modernity. For only these new relations of production can
fully realise the social and technical potential of its advanced
productive forces. When digital gifts are freely circulated, people are
able to participate within 'interactive creativity'. As information is
incessantly reproduced, the quantity of collective labour embodied in each
copy is soon reduced to almost nothing. Under these social and technical
conditions, circulating information as gifts can be not only more
enjoyable, but also more efficient than commodity exchange. Although
appreciating the benefits of e-commerce, Americans are enthusiastically
participating within an alternative form of collective labour:
cyber-communism. 

In earlier times, the abolition of capitalism was envisaged in apocalyptic
terms: revolutionary uprisings, mass mobilisations and modernising
dictatorships. In contrast, cyber-communism is now an unremarkable
everyday experience within the USA. The users of the Net are spontaneously
adopting more enjoyable and efficient ways of working together. Instead of
destroying the market economy, Americans are engaged in the slow process
of superseding capitalism. (Hegel 1873: 141-142; Marx 1961: 98-114) In
this dialectical movement, hi-tech neo-liberals perfect the existing
relations of production by developing e-commerce: work-as-commodity.
Reacting against this enclosure of cyberspace, left-wing activists destroy
information property within the on-line potlatch: waste-as-gift. For those
nostalgic for ideological certainty, there can be no compromise between
these contradictory visions of the Net. 

Yet, the synthesis of these dialectical opposites must happen for
pragmatic reasons. Often Net users benefit more from working together
through circulating gifts than from taking part in e-commerce. Living
within a prosperous society, many Americans are no longer solely motivated
by monetary rewards. With sufficient time and money, they will also work
to gain the respect of their peers for their efforts. Increasing numbers
of people are now satisfying this desire for recognition within network
communities. Individuals receive praise and friendship from their
fellow-members by making excellent contributions to collective projects. 
Within the Net, the rise in the productive forces encourages a more
advanced form of collective labour: work-as-gift. (Kohn 1998; Leonard: 
1998a) 

'...Work is born from the Desire for Recognition... and it preserves
itself and evolves in relation to this same Desire.' (Kojčve 1969: 230) 

The dialectical process of superseding capitalism is marked by the
evolving syntheses of gift and commodity within the Net. During this
transition, neither the disclosure nor the enclosure of collective labour
can be assumed. If the correct hybrid isn't found, individuals working on
a collective project can quickly disappear to more agreeable locations
within cyberspace. Sometimes, they will look for monetary rewards. On many
occasions, they will prefer the freedom of autonomous labour. Depending
upon circumstances, both these desires need to be partially realised in a
successful hybrid of gift and commodity. During the last two hundred
years, the intimate bonds of kinship and friendship have simultaneously
inhibited and underpinned the impersonal relationships needed for rapid
economic growth. The modern has always co-existed with the traditional.
Now, in the age of the Net, the exchange of commodities is being both
intensified and prevented by the circulation of gifts. The modern must
synthesise with the hyper-modern. 

The gurus of the Californian ideology emphasise the survival of social
hierarchy within these hybrid productive relations of the Net. Already,
successful cyber-entrepreneurs begin their careers by giving away their
most desirable products. If their brand is widely adopted, they hope to
make money by providing supporting services and products to its users. A
lucky few digerati can become very wealthy by selling shares to Wall
Street speculators. (Cusumano and Yoffie 1998; Leonard 1999) Yet, even in
this conservative synthesis of gift and commodity, copyright has ceased to
be the precondition of information production. Every consumer is now won
with promotional items. Unable to resist the technical possibilities of
digital convergence, some neo-liberal ideologues accept the eventual
disappearance of copyright. (Barlow 1994) Since plagiarism will soon
become ubiquitous, cyber-entrepreneurs must adopt other ways of
commodifying the Net:  real-time services, advertising, merchandising. The
hi-tech aristocracy can only protect their privileges by continually
making gifts to the masses. 

This hybridisation of productive relations is prevalent across the hi-tech
industries. For instance, many people gain employment only after serving
an apprenticeship within network communities. If their work is respected
among their peers, they can join the emerging intermediate layer employed
by e-commerce companies: the digital artisans. Although operating outside
the academy, the gift of information still facilitates the sale of labour. 
According to the prophecies of Saint-Simon, innovative workers in advanced
industries should be pioneering the economic and cultural conditions for
social emancipation. The intermediate layer is the vanguard of modernity. 
Faithful to this role, digital artisans are making many technological and
aesthetic advances. Despite having to sell their creativity for money,
their ways of working are often egalitarian and collaborative. Once again,
the intermediate layer is inventing the future. 

Yet, even this synthesis is already being superseded at the cutting-edge
of modernity. The heroic minority is no longer alone. After two centuries
of economic growth, ordinary people are also able to adopt advanced
productive relations. Within the Net, working together by circulating
gifts is now a daily experience for millions of people. As well as in
their jobs, individuals also collaborate on collective projects in their
free time.  Freed from the immediate disciplines of the marketplace, work
can increasingly become a gift. The enlightened few are no longer needed
to lead the masses towards the future. For the majority of Net users are
already participating within the productive relations of cyber-communism. 
Everyday, they are sending emails, taking part in listservers, making
websites, contributing to newsgroups and participating within on-line
conferences. Having no need to sell information as commodities, they
spontaneously work together by circulating gifts. All across the world,
politicians, executives and pundits are inspired by the rapid expansion of
e-commerce in the USA. Mesmerised by neo-liberal ideology, they fail to
notice that most information is already circulating as gifts within the
Net. Engaged in superseding capitalism, Americans are successfully
constructing the utopian future in the present: cyber-communism. 

'No social order is ever destroyed before all the productive forces for
which it is sufficient have been developed, and new superior relations of
production never replace older ones before the material conditions for
their existence have matured within the framework of the old society. 
...The bourgeois mode of production is the last antagonistic form of the
social process of production - ...an antagonism that emanates from the
individuals' social conditions of existence - but the productive forces
developing within bourgeois society create also the material conditions
for a solution of this antagonism. The prehistory of humanity accordingly
closes with this social formation.' (Marx 1970: 21-22) 

The Dialectics of Cyber-Communism

The Positive:                            work-as-commodity
                                               e-commerce
                                               reactionary modernism

The Negation:                           waste-as-gift
                                               potlatch
                                               revolutionary anti-modernism

The Negation of the Negation:   work-as-gift
                                              network communities
                                              revolutionary modernism


=======================================================

Richard Barbrook is a member of the Hypermedia Research Centre, University
of Westminster, London. <www.hrc.wmin.ac.uk>

=======================================================

Respect due: Andy Allenson, Andy Cameron, Christopher May, John Armitage,
John Barker, Lance Strate, Les Levidow, Luther Blissett, Maren Hartmann,
nettime, Rishab Ghosh, Robin Hamman, Roya Jakoby, Simon Schaffer, Vuk Cosic
and students on the MA in Hypermedia Studies.

=======================================================

This article is dedicated to the USAF pilots who risked their lives to
fight for the national liberation struggle of the people of Kosova.

=======================================================


The American version of this article will be published in Lance Strate and
Susan Barnes (eds.) Cybertheory and the Ecology of Digital Media, Hampton
Press, Cresskill, NJ.  This article is a remixed extract from The Holy
Fools: a critique of the avant-garde in the age of the Net, Verso, London
(forthcoming). 



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